United States and EU have common entangled life story. The United States-European security, economic and political relations that presently encompass the wide transatlantic association have their enlightened origins in post World War II attempts to discourage the Soviet menace and bring self-assurance to Europe. NATO, which was set up in 1949, and the European Union are the two key columns upon which the transatlantic association still leans (Kupchan 56). NATO was established ahead of a shared commitment to shield ordinary values of individual freedom, democracy and the principle of law; in practice, it wanted to do this by issuing communal defense against Soviet broadening through a joint safety assurance for the United States and its European friends (Hamilton 31). The incorporation of European project was destined to foster political constancy, peace, and economical advancement in Europe by establishing democratic schemes and free markets. The United States Assembly and successive United States administration have powerfully maintained both EU and NATO trusting that both organizations have assisted promote constable military friends, democracy and strong business partnerships (Gordon &Trainor 19). The US also observes the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) at a vital transatlantic meeting for fostering social equality and human rights in both Europe and the broader environs of Europe encompassing Russia, Belarus, Ukraine and the Caucasus and Central Asian nations. Moreover, both European nations and United States share membership in other main international associations like the United Nations (UN) and World Trade Organization (WTO).
From the time cold war seized, both EU and NATO have progressed alongside the modified strategic landscape of Europe. While the combined defense assurance of NATO remains at the hub of the alliance, associates have also wanted to redefine its delegation as new safety difficulties have come out on periphery and beyond Europe. Besides, European Union has shifted beyond economic incorporation and has undertaken steps toward political incorporation with verdicts to establish a common foreign rule and a defense support (Gordon & Trainor 41). Both corporations have also expanded in the recent past to include several Central and East European nations increasing the EU and NATO number to 25 and 26 respectively. The US was the principal advocate of NATO development and a strong backer of European Union enlargement, seeing these double attempts as dishing up United States interests by strengthening a “Europe whole and free, at peace with itself and the world.” In the mean time, the economic relationship of United States and Europe has kept on developing (Hamilton 38).
The United States and EU impart the largest trade and speculation association in the world. The yearly joint flows of goods, services and overseas direct speculations are beyond $2 trillion. Out of this whole amount, the joint direct speculation account for more than $1.5 trillion causing this enormous venture position possibly the most vital factor of the relationship (Kupchan 102). Despite the fact that some sensitive US-EU business disagreements exists, the great share of this two-sided economic association is cordial and agreeable. Some psychoanalyst approximate that trade anxiety encompasses only 1-2 percent of transatlantic trade. Although the shared history, and close economic bind, the transatlantic affiliation has been majorly challenged in current times. The attacks on United States that took place on September 11 accelerated a preliminary display of transatlantic cohesion, but most of the kindness and support has ever since been squandered as several commerce and foreign policy disagreements have come up (Hamilton 64).
The disaster over Iraq is most distinguished, but the list of disputes is broad and diverse. Even though Europeans are small in their observations, several states including Italy, Spain, United Kingdom and Poland that prop up the interventions of United States in Iraq protest to some of the US’s elemental policy on a variety of concepts. Some of the issues involve the international criminal court, the Israel-Palestinian variance, the handling of Al-Qaeda prisoners at Guantanamo Bay, genetically modified food, missile defense and the U.N Kyoto Protocol. The US Government stated that it was to make recovery of transatlantic association in both NATO and the European Union – its main aim in its second term. However, a discussion is developing in academic circles and policymaking on the purpose and value of the relationship between United States and European Union. Whereas several individuals would dispute that much still tie the two areas of the Atlantic, other people agonize that the association is in problems.
Certain critics from the US doubts the degree to which the European friends share United States menace awareness of the confrontations postured by Islamic terrorists or propagation of weapons of mass destruction (WOMD). Although the friends concur with the essence of undertaking such difficulties, United States and European approaches are always at chances; the government of Europe continues to be strongly hitched to managing international disputes through polygonal organizations, while the US sees this tactic as only one alternative. The Bush administration together with the members of parliament were much concerned about how faulty the capabilities of European military hampered the abilities of its friends to share the safekeeping load with the US. Others proposed that United States deeds in the trial of the fight on terrorism and in Iraq encouraged some individuals to doubt whether the two areas of Atlantic still share sufficient values and attention to enhance the performance of transatlantic association (Kupchan 123).
From the above statements, it is clear that there were common interests and shared relations between European Union and the United States ever since the end of World War II to present days. Since the shared interests are many, the following are the major issues that describe the nature of the transatlantic relationship and cooperation.
In spite of the considerably hiked dedication of soldiers and reservations during 2009-2010 periods, the possible result of the NATO-led task in Afghanistan is a topic of discussion (Hamilton, 89). Afghanistan goes on to throw up a test of coalition unity and the commitment of Europe to uphold its contribution will be a vital tone setter in a transatlantic partnership. Europe maintains both a major target of fundamental Islamic terrorists and potential pedestal for those looking forward to perform attacks against the United States. The counterterrorism cooperation of the transatlantic partnership has been powerful since the 9/11 terrorist attacks, but demanding differences are present over aspects like data privacy that could hamper efforts to mutually fight terrorism (Gordon & Trainor 67).
The global economical disaster has distressed the transatlantic economic association and confronted the political association. Fostering financial steadiness and re-establishing economic development are core priorities for leaders of both European Union and the United States. Both of them have the prevalent business and asset partnership in the world. While some crisis endure, several of the association is jointly beneficial, and attempt and on the process to minimize non-tariff hindrances and risen regulatory togetherness. The United States and EU go on to look for a way to end the Iran’s nuclear agenda. After the endorsement of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1929 in June 2010, the European Union employed harsh new authorizations against Iran (Hamilton, 91). Whereas the new quantifies bring European Union and United States’ authorization into extensive alliance, distinctions continue to be over issues like the sale of cleansed petroleum products. Finally, association between the west and Russia grew exceedingly nervous in current years. Whereas the Obama Administration “reset” scheme seems to have played a part to a perked up atmosphere, ordinary advancement to Russia – within Europe, among US policymakers, and across the Atlantic - have confirmed hard to formulate.